För oss svenskar är kanske inte all fakta om det amerikanska samhället av intresse. Men att det sker och, vilket nog är viktigt för många, att privat brottsbekämpning kan ske och fungerar bättre än staten, är nog av större intresse.
TSAP kom ut 1998, och då höll brottsligheten på att sjunka i USA. Politikerna ville då ta åt sig äran för detta, men en mer trolig förklaring till detta var den ökade tillförlitelsen på privata aktörer för att bekämpa brott. Även polischefer kan hålla med om detta!
The Tallahassee, Florida, police chief, Tom Coe, an active advocate of greater private-sector involvement in crime control, recently stated, for example, that “the police have very little to do with crime when it comes down to it. The community cannot put enough cops out there to protect everyone. You’ve got to empower the people to protect themselves” (Cole 1995). People are in fact protecting themselves in a wide variety of ways. They are organizing their neighbors to watch out for one another, they are buying all sorts of crime prevention and detection devices from the rapidly expanding markets for such equipment, and they are employing ever increasing numbers of private security personnel. - xxiAtt civilsamhället eller privata firmor har haft en stor vikt i att bekämpa brottslighet har varit förstått av statliga forskare redan under 1970-talet. Men även om kommittéer kunde förstå detta, ledde det inte till att själva statsapparaten tog till sig detta ordentligt. Istället, när det amerikanska samhället drabbades av en storskalig ökning av brottslighet efter 1950-talet (liknande Sverige) satsade staten på mer statlig kontroll. Vilket inte skall ha lyckats så väl enligt en rapport från the National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals (NACCJSG) (1977):
Over the past 25 years, this country has become the unwilling victim of a crime epidemic. The present seriousness of the disease has outstripped even the most pessimistic prognosis. Coupled with a steadily rising numerical frequency of crimes is a savage viciousness that has rendered the American public almost immune from further shock. The ten-million-plus major felonies that annually occur have seriously debilitated the quality of life in the United States. ...
In a valiant but vain attempt to stem this massive tide of criminality, government officials, scholars, politicians, and a vast array of other professionals have responded with plans, programs, and projects all designed to reduce crime.One great hope was vested in increases in the numerical strength of the criminal justice system. More police, more prosecutors, more public defenders, more judges, more corrections workers, and more probation and parole officers soon swelled city, county, State, and Federal budgets but did not cause a reduction in crime. ...
Finally, millions of dollars were used to reshape the criminal justice system through the addition of new practices and the deletion of old processes. . . . Unfortunately, although many of these programs were improvements over outdated practices, crime, the cost of crime, the damages from crime, and the fear of crime continued to increase. (NACCJSG 1976: Introduction) (s. 1-2)
Det går inte att utifrån detta komma fram till att den statliga satsningen varit overksam i att bekämpa brott, men det borde få en att fundera över hur effektiv den är. Och fundera över att gå över till ett alternativ; civilsamhället och marknaden. Som sagt är denna del betydande för att bekämpa brottslighet:
The private sector’s role in criminal justice goes even beyond protection and security. Large amounts of complementary inputs from private citizens are necessary for the public sector’s crime control efforts to be effective. Victims’ statements are particularly important in the public sector’s crime control process, for instance (McDonald 1977; Benson 1994a, 1996c). As McDonald (1977: 301) observes, a huge portion of all crimes that come to the attention of police are those reported by victims. Very few arrests for property or violent crimes result from police-initiated investigations or actions. Furthermore, without the prospect of cooperation by victims or witnesses in providing testimony, a very substantial portion of the violent and property criminals that are arrested would never be successfully prosecuted. (s. 3-4)Privat kontroll av brottslighet är inte bara omfattande idag, det har historiskt varit mer vanligt att privata krafter bekämpade brott än att stater gjort det (som historiskt sett varit mer vana vid att utföra dem).
If we look to history, we find that rather than the emphasis on government inputs to and dominance over crime control that we see today, the norm is complete or nearly complete private production of policing, prosecution, and punishment (Cunningham and Taylor 1985: 41; Cardenas 1986; Benson 1990: 21–30, 43–77; 1992b; 1994a; McCrie 1992; Reynolds 1994b). Public police forces did not develop until the middle of the nineteenth century in the United States and Great Britain, and crime victims served as prosecutors in England until almost the turn of the century. ...The historical reality of crime policy is that public provision of criminal justice is a recent social experiment that has not worked as predicted. (s. 4-5)
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